Cut paper can be considered an art form, a folk art, or a craft. It often goes by the German “scherenschnitte”, meaning scissor cutting. Although it had ancient origins it became popular during the second half of the eighteenth century mostly in the form of portraiture called silhouettes, after Etienne de Silhouette (1709-1767). The silhouette of a subject, usually seated and in profile, was cut, freehand and quickly, by the artist. These miniatures were often framed and served as substitutes for painted portraits which were much more expensive. The silhouette on the left is of Sarah “Sally” Wister of Philadelphia. (See post here.) Paper cutting was also used to create decorative designs that were sometimes commemorative or religious in nature, often botanical, or as paper imitations of lace. The paper doily we use today harkens back to paper cutting of an earlier time. In its simplest form, a design is made by cutting folded paper with scissors to create a symmetrical pattern. Children are sometimes introduced to paper cutting in art class when they can use scissors safely; they usually make snowflakes.

I have brought up this subject because I have come across a cut-paper design made by Sarah Winslow Deming (see previous post). Seeing it helps to appreciate Sarah as a real woman who spent hours creating an intricate illustration of life as she knew it, including places and people.

The cut paper picture by Deming is owned by James F. Trott, Esq., Niagara Falls, N.Y. The silhouette of Sarah ‘Sally” Wister is at The Historical Society of Pennsylvania.

Sarah Winslow Deming, the aunt of Anna Green Winslow (see post), was living in Boston in April 1775, with her husband Captain John Deming, his niece Sally, and her slave Lucinda. It was a time of confusion: the British had occupied Boston and, after Lexington and Concord, virtually sealed off the city preventing many patriot inhabitants from moving out. Sarah and her family opted to flee. In June, writing from Providence, Rhode Island, to her niece Sarah “Sally” Coverly, she described the situation in Boston in April and the difficulties they encountered in their flight. The siege finally ended when Washington fortified Dorchester Heights and aimed cannon brought from Fort Ticonderoga at the British ships anchored in Boston Harbor. The British evacuated their forces on March 17, 1776, and sailed for Nova Scotia. In reading this account a reminder: “ye” means “the”.

[Providence, Rhode Island, ca. June 18, 1775] My Dear Niece
I was very unquiet from the moment I was inform’d that more troops were coming to Boston. ‘Tis true that those who had winter’d there, had not given us much molestation—but, an additional strength, I dreded, & determined if possible to git out of their reach, & to take with me as much of my little interest as I could. Your unkle D. was very far from being of my mind, from which has proceeded those difficulties which peculiarly related to myself—but I now say not a word of this to him; we are joint sufferers, & no doubt it is Gods will it should be so.

Many a time have I tho’t that could I be out of Boston, together with my family, & friends, I could be content with the meanest fare, & slenderest accomodations. Out of Boston, out of Boston at almost any rate—away as far as possible from the infection of small pox, & the din of drums & martial Musick as its call’d, & horrors of war—but, my distress is not to be described—I attemet not to describe it. . . .

The monday following, April 17th I was told that all the boats belonging to the men of war were lauch’d on Saterday night, while the town inhabitants were sleeping except some faithful watchmen—who gave the intelligence. . . .

On tuesday eveng, 18 April we were inform’d that the companies above mention’d were in motion, that the Men of War boats were row’d round to Charlestown Ferry, Bartons Point & bottom of ye Common, that the soldiers were run thro’ the streets on tip toe (the moon not having arrisen) in the dark of ye eveng that there were a number of hand cuffs in one of the boats, which were taken in at the long wharf, & that two days provision had been cook’d for ’em on board one of ye transport ships lying in ye harbor. That whatever other business they might have, the main was to take possession of the bodies of Messrs Adams & Handcock, whom they & we knew where were lodg’d. We had no doubt of the truth of all this. And, that express’s were sent forth both over the neck & Charlestown Ferry to give our Friends timely notice that they might escape. N. B. I did not git to bed this night till after 12 o’clock, nor to sleep till long after that, & then my sleep was much broken, as it had been for many nights before.

Early on Wednesday the fatal 19th April, before I had quited my chamber, one after another came runing up to tell me that the kings troops had fired upon & killed 8 of our neighbors at Lexington in their way to Concord. All the intelligence of this day was dreadfull. Almost every countenance expressing anxiety & distress. But description fails here. I went to bed about 12 this night having taken but little food thro’ the day; having resolv’d to quit the town before the next setting sun, should life, & limbs be spar’d to me. Towards morning, I fell into a sound sleep from which I was waked by Mr. D.g between 6, & 7 o clock informing me that I was Genl. Gage’s prisoner—all egress, & regress being cut off between the town & country. Here again description fails. No words can paint my distress—I feel it at this instant (just 8 weeks after) so sensibly, that I must pause before I can proceed.

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The Siege of Boston refers to the eleven-month period from April 1775 to March 1776 during which the British, though they occupied Boston, were contained there by New England militiamen and the Continental Army commanded by George Washington. Ann Hulton, the sister of the British Commissioner of Customs in Boston, was living in the city at the time. She had accompanied her brother’s family to the colonies in 1767. In her correspondence with her friend Elizabeth Lightbody in England Hulton described life in Boston and environs from a Loyalist’s point of view. This is her account of the battles of Lexington and Concord (April 19, 1775) from a letter she wrote in late April 1775.

On the 18th instt. at 11 at Night, about 800 Grenadiers & light Infantry were ferry’d across the Bay to Cambridge, from whence they marchd to Concord, about 20 Miles. . . .

The People in the Country (who are all furnished with Arms & have what they call Minute Companys in every Town ready to march on any alarm), had a signal it’s supposed by a light from one of the Steeples in Town, Upon the Troops Embarkg. The alarm spread thro’ the Country, so that before daybreak the people in general were in Arms & on their March to Concord. About Day-break a number of the People appeard before the Troops near Lexington. They were called to, to disperse, when they fired on the Troops & ran off, Upon which the Light Infantry pursued them & brought down about fifteen of them. The Troops went on to Concord & executed the business they were sent on, & on their return found two or three of their people Lying in the Agonies of Death, scalp’d & their Noses & ears cut off & Eyes bored out—Which exasperated the Soldiers exceedingly—a prodigious number of People now occupying the Hills, woods, & Stone Walls along the road. The Light Troops drove some parties from the hills, but all the road being inclosed with Stone Walls Served as a cover to the Rebels, from whence they fired on the Troops still running off whenever they had fired. . . .

The Troops returned to Charlestown about Sunset after having some of ’em marched near fifty miles . . . The next day the Country pourd down its Thousands, and at this time from the entrance of Boston Neck at Roxbury round by Cambridge to Charlestown is surrounded by at least 20,000 Men, who are raising batteries on three or four different Hills. We are now cut off from all communication with the Country & many people must soon perish with famine in this place. . . .

[A]t present a Solemn dead silence reigns in the Streets, numbers have packed up their effects, & quited the Town, but the General [Gage] has put a Stop to any more removing, & here remains in Town about 9000 Souls (besides the Servants of the Crown).

Hulton’s letter can be found on pages 32-33 of In the Words of Women. Other posts about Anne Hulton can be found HERE and HERE. Two Connecticut men, Amos Doolittle, a silversmith, and Samuel Earle, a portraitist, produced four etchings offered for sale in December 1775, “neatly engraved on copper from the original paintings taken on the spot.” The above image comes from a set of the originals at the Connecticut Historical Society. It shows the bridge at Concord with the British on the right, pursued by the militia on the left.

The eighteenth century businesswoman Elizabeth Murray Campbell Smith, while on a visit to London, wrote to her brother John on February 26, 1770, expressing the opinion that his daughter was ready to work in a shop and learn how to run a business. She recommended that her niece go to New York to gain experience there rather than stay in London. She arranged introductions to women shopkeepers who could be of assistance to Polly and even provided her with a supply of goods to take with her.

Polly has been at Boarding school since she was ten years old, she has now finished her education & is a very capable girl understands writing & arithmitc very well, I advise to her going with Jacky [Polly’s brother] & carrieing a venture of two hundred pounds worth of goods selling them to Mr Clark, Miss Cummings, or any body that will let her have the money for them in three or six months. Return it & have it in goods again untill she is aquainted with the place & people. She might Board with Miss Cummings where she might gain experiance by attending to thier selling things & with a very little of your asistance she might keep thier books as to making up things she can do that very well, therefore I think her time & fifty or a hundred pound woud be intirely thrown away by staying a year or six months with a millener in London Mr Bridgen [a London shopkeeper] I have wrote to, He says shopkeeping in London & Boston are so diffrent that she wou’d have it all to learn over again, the most he says that is required is an exactness in arithmitic an acquaintance with the people & the money, which he thinks cannot be learnt in London I should not be anxious about her going into business so early if she was not so forward in her education if she stays here any longer she must enter the gay scenes of life & become a fine Lady, in my opinion that will enervet her so much that business will every be irksome to her. . . . usefull members of sosiety are certainly preferable to all the delicate creatures of the age. . . . Please give my love & compliments where due
I am Dr Sir yours most sincerly Eliz: Smith

In the following letter (April 1770) to her Boston friend Mrs. Deblois, Elizabeth Murray Campbell Smith alerts her to Polly’s arrival. She expresses her belief that the education of young women should be practical, equipping them with the skills to run a business and aspire to independence.

[T]he friendship and civility I have met with in Boston gives me reason to hope thes very young adventurers [Jacky and Polly] will be kindly received. You & I have often talk’d on the education of youth I am acting now according to my own opinion. it is to give a young Lady an usefull education so soon as she has finished that to put her upon some scheme to improve her mind time & fortune I prefer an usefull member of society to all the fine delicate creatures of the age. I shall be much obliged to you if you’ll take a little notice of her I have told her when she is at a loss how to act to apply to you & Mr. Deblois young folks are apt to be self sufficient I beg what ever you hear or see amiss in her you will corect as you think proper. . . .

When Elizabeth Murray Campbell Smith moved back to Boston she mentored other young women who sought to go into business. She even boarded them and helped them set up shop.

The first letter appears on The Elizabeth Murray Project website.The portrait (on the same site) is by John Singleton Copley, 1769, Courtesy, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. The excerpt from the second letter is also from the Murray Project.